The National Unity Government (NUG) Minister for International Cooperation Sasa began his visit to the U.S. in November. He has met with members of Congress and U.S.-based experts on Myanmar. 

DVB interviewed Sasa about the challenges he has faced in meeting with the U.S. administration under President Donald Trump. 

DVB: What is your strategy for approaching the Trump administration and U.S. government regarding Myanmar ?

Sasa: We are trying to identify who is close to the White House and who has the power to influence it. We need to think about [meeting] with those who can influence [U.S. foreign policy]. 

The traditional diplomatic approach might not work in this scenario. We need to be creative and understand whom [President Trump] listens to. There are some Christians who are close to him. We need to meet individuals in his inner circle.

In the U.S. Congress, some can raise their voices [for Myanmar]. So can some in the administration. We are trying to [find and talk] to them. They are concerned about [the rise of] China.

We are aware that the current Trump administration considers it a U.S. failure if it does not take a strategic stand on the Myanmar crisis, or else it would allow [China] to have hegemony over not only the Indian Ocean but the entire Indo-Pacific region.

DVB: What is the diplomatic approach you are using to build a relationship with the Trump administration? 

Sasa: It is a give-and-take approach. We need to think of common interests between Myanmar and the U.S. For instance, Myanmar has 17 rare-earth elements. All of them make their way unchecked to China. 

We have no idea of how much and who benefits. What we know is that China receives rare-earth elements in exchange for military weapons support to the Myanmar military, which it uses to kill civilians. 

That’s a war crime and an injustice. Rare earths are a key component in chip-making for [Artificial Intelligence] and advanced military technology. Whether the U.S., China, or Myanmar, it is important to approach them with a ‘benefits-for-all’ strategy. 

Another consideration is what would Myanmar be if it failed to become a federal democratic state. It otherwise would surely turn out to be a country like North Korea. That would not bring any good to both China and the U.S.

Both are responsible for this and need to listen to the people of Myanmar. In other words, the realisation of Myanmar as a federal democratic state is a strategic imperative for the two countries and the whole of Asia. 

Another concern of the U.S. is related to its national security. Online scams as a transnational crime steal billions of dollars from the U.S. That affects the people of both the U.S. and China. Those criminals are under the protection of pro-regime forces. 

The removal of the regime in Naypyidaw means there will be an eradication of drugs and online scam centers. We don’t have the power to make decisions. But the Trump administration does.

DVB: How are you making sure that Myanmar is not forgotten by the U.S.? 

Sasa: There are [wars in] Ukraine and Israel-Palestine. I’ve learned that they are open to hearing from someone about Myanmar issues to keep them informed. That responsibility falls on the people of Myanmar. 

For example, if the Myanmar community from the U.S. state of Indiana raises this issue to their respective members of Congress, or if the community in California does the same, all of this combined would form a powerful force of advocacy. 

I got the chance to talk to people from over 70 countries at a conference of the World Baptist Alliance. It has a total of more than 50 million church members. 

I encouraged them to discuss Myanmar issues with their members of Congress. The more people talk about it, the more the government hears about it. We still need to raise awareness among the American people.

DVB: The BURMA Act was passed in the U.S. But there have been some delays in implementation. What do you think about it? 

Sasa: The U.S. government’s implementation of the BURMA Act has been very weak. Its ineffective application leaves many gaps. Since the U.S. failed to take a leading role in the Indo-Pacific region, that has impacted regional security.

The U.S. government is adopting three policies; to empower the U.S., to enrich the U.S. and to safeguard the U.S., which means security, economy and politics. 

In all these three policies, Myanmar serves at the frontline. That’s why, I have been trying to stress this during my discussions with the State Department, members of Congress, and the U.S. people to develop a strategy for Myanmar. 

There is also a lot more that can be done by Myanmar communities across the U.S.

DVB: There has been a rising fear of deportation for Myanmar people in the U.S. And a $45 million USD scholarship fund has been cut. How is the NUG planning to help those affected?

Sasa: The temporary protected status visa for some Myanmar people in the U.S. will expire in September. We always raise this issue and talk about the possibilities of extending it every time we have discussions with members of Congress.

For the $45 million USD scholarship [for Myanmar students], Elon Musk’s [Department of Government Efficiency] considers it a waste of money. 

What the regime wants is to systematically prevent Myanmar youth from being educated. We have told them about the substantial impact of the funding cuts to the youth of Myanmar. We are demanding that they review this decision. 

DVB: Many are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance since the USAID funding cuts were implemented. Can we expect the funding to resume? 

Sasa: In principle, USAID is planned to be put under the State Department. We are highlighting the impact of the closure of health centres on the Thai-Myanmar border, even causing deaths among patients as their oxygen concentrators were taken away. 

It creates impacts on a global scale. We will see what is going to happen after 90 days, but we need to keep pushing them. 

If the U.S. stops its funding, we have to look to other donor countries such as the E.U., Norway, the U.K., Australia or Japan. 

Some government officials said that life-saving assistance could be restored. For instance, aid to the Rohingya community at first was cut along with other international assistance and then restored within a few days. 

We are still expecting this to happen. Now we are discussing with individuals working in those areas and trying to understand solutions for funding restoration.  

DVB: Min Aung Hlaing met with Russian President Vladimir Putin earlier this month in Moscow. What do you think is the E.U. stance on the Myanmar issue? 

Sasa: Last October I met European leaders in Brussels. I see no major change in the E.U.’s policies toward Myanmar. Our unity is now based on a common enemy. 

But what the E.U. has been demanding for a long time is a political consensus for a shared future of a federal democratic state. It wants to know the plan for democratic forces. We have developed a roadmap for this and have had a lot of discussions with them in this regard. 

The discussion between Min Aung Hlaing and Vladimir Putin in Moscow about nuclear [power] is a threat to global security. In response to that, the U.S. Justice Department press release on Jan. 8 stated that Ebisawa, a Japanese citizen, was involved in the trading of nuclear materials but he is now detained in the U.S. 

I don’t think the U.S. understands the risk of regime control of uranium extraction for global security. Even for neighbouring states in Asia, the regime’s potential possession of nuclear materials should be considered a concern.

I think the regime’s close ties to Russia is an outcome of weak cooperation between democratic states. Now, while the ties between autocratic states deepen, the opposite applies to democracies. 

E.U. members, the U.S. and countries in Asia must stand together for Myanmar. Domestically, there must also be strong cooperation as well. With our combined forces, we can solve any issue. 

DVB: What is the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)? 

Sasa: There is a capacity for ASEAN to play a bridging role between the U.S. and China. Beijing’s intervention is noticeable, while the U.S.’s is not. Does China want to see Myanmar as a democratic state? What about some ASEAN members? We are thinking a lot about this. 

We assumed that achieving democracy in Myanmar could spread to other ASEAN members. So, democracy is important for stability in the Indo-Pacific region and the Indian Ocean. 

China also wants to see regional stability. There would be no stability until Myanmar becomes a federal democratic state. It’s as simple as that. Why is stability absent? Because there is no federal democracy that allows self-determination. 

Achieving a federal democracy in Myanmar is akin to achieving regional stability. But instead of moving forward to that goal, we are drawn back by problems created by the regime. 

If we can’t get rid of the root cause of this problem and focus on the consequences, the problem will never disappear. We first have to remove the problem, the regime, and then we can solve the problem. 

If we don’t, the problem never goes away. So, Myanmar as a federal democratic state is a win-win solution for ASEAN, China, and the U.S Coordination among ASEAN is quite weak on this. More external actors are needed. 

DVB: State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Htin Kyaw have had arrest warrants issued against them by a court in Argentina. What is the NUG doing about this? 

Sasa: Who has a long history of committing violence against Chin, Kachin, Karen, and Karenni ethnic nationalities before the genocide against the Rohingya community? The military is responsible.

Do you know any military in the world that promotes its soldiers for killing its citizens? The position of generals has been granted based on lives lost and homes destroyed. Min Aung Hlaing himself came up to this position due to his killing of the ethnic Kokang (Han Chinese) people.

In this Rohingya case, no matter who is accused of committing genocide. In the end, the court will learn that the 2008 constitution is solid proof of the innocence of Aung San Su Kyi and former President Htin Kyaw. 

The 2008 constitution allows the military to act independently without being accountable to the government in power. The president doesn’t have the power to command the military. The Commander-in-Chief alone has this power. 

They have nothing to fear in a trial. If I were accused, I would go face the court and prove that I’m innocent. Let’s say the revolution finishes one day in Myanmar and I am accused of being involved in something. So, I will have to follow the legal procedure to prove my innocence. 

My point is that the truth is with us, and also with Aung San Suu Kyi and PresidentHtin Kyaw. The truth will come forth and be known. In the end,  political problems need to be solved. It is a natural phenomenon that all the wars in the world ended with peace talks. 

We don’t know their health conditions [in prison]. We don’t trust what the regime says about them. 

I lost everything after the 2021 military coup. My mother died as a displaced person in Myanmar. I did not have the chance to say goodbye to her and some nights thoughts of her keep me awake.

So, you can imagine the suffering of the people. This must be our last revolution. Our descendants deserve a free future so they never again have to live under a military dictatorship. This ends with our generation. No more. 

What it means to achieve our goal is to establish a federal democratic union and to end the military dictatorship. We will not rest until that day comes. We are determined.. The day will come soon. This depends on our unity. 

DVB: Thank you for your time.

*This interview has been edited for length and clarity.